Iran-contra affair

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Iran-contra affair,

in U.S. history, secret arrangement in the 1980s to provide funds to the Nicaraguan contra rebels from profits gained by selling arms to Iran. The Iran-contra affair was the product of two separate initiatives during the administration of President Ronald ReaganReagan, Ronald Wilson
, 1911–2004, 40th president of the United States (1981–89), b. Tampico, Ill. In 1932, after graduation from Eureka College, he became a radio announcer and sportscaster.
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. The first was a commitment to aid the contras who were conducting a guerrilla war against the SandinistaSandinistas,
members of a left-wing Nicaraguan political party, the Sandinist National Liberation Front (FSLN). The group, named for Augusto Cesar Sandino, a former insurgent leader, was formed in 1962 to oppose the regime of Anastasio Somoza Debayle.
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 government of Nicaragua. The second was to placate "moderates" within the Iranian government in order to secure the release of American hostages held by pro-Iranian groups in Lebanon and to influence Iranian foreign policy in a pro-Western direction.

Despite the strong opposition of the Reagan administration, the Democratic-controlled Congress enacted legislation, known as the Boland amendments, that prohibited the Defense Dept., the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), or any other government agency from providing military aid to the contras from Dec., 1983, to Sept., 1985. The Reagan administration circumvented these limitations by using the National Security Council (NSC), which was not explicitly covered by the law, to supervise covert military aid to the contras. Under Robert McFarlane (1983–85) and John Poindexter (1985–86) the NSC raised private and foreign funds for the contras. This operation was directed by NSC staffer Marine Lt. Col. Oliver NorthNorth, Oliver Laurence,
1943–, American military officer, b. San Antonio, Tex. Raised in Philmont, N.Y., he entered the U.S. Marines, graduated from Annapolis (1968), served in the Vietnam War, and attained the rank of lieutenant colonel.
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. McFarlane and North were also the central figures in the plan to secretly ship arms to Iran despite a U.S. trade and arms embargo.

In early Nov., 1986, the scandal broke when reports in Lebanese newspapers forced the Reagan administration to disclose the arms deals. Poindexter resigned before the end of the month; North was fired. Select congressional committees held joint hearings, and in Dec., 1986, Lawrence E. Walsh was named as special prosecutor to investigate the affair. Higher administration officials, particularly Reagan, Vice President BushBush, George Herbert Walker,
1924–, 41st President of the United States (1989–93), b. Milton, Mass., B.A., Yale Univ., 1948. Career in Business and Government
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, and William J. Casey (former director of the CIA, who died in May, 1987), were implicated in some testimony, but the extent of their involvement remained unclear. North said he believed Reagan was largely aware of the secret arrangement, and the independent prosecutor's report (1994) said that Reagan and Bush had some knowledge of the affair or its coverup. Reagan and Bush both claimed to have been uninformed about the details of the affair, and no evidence was found to link them to any crime. A presidential commission was critical of the NSC, while congressional hearings uncovered a web of official deception, mismanagement, and illegality.

A number of criminal convictions resulted, including those of McFarlane, North, and Poindexter, but North's and Poindexter's were vacated on appeal because of immunity agreements with the Senate concerning their testimony. Former State Dept. and CIA officials pleaded guilty in 1991 to withholding information about the contra aid from Congress, and Caspar Weinberger, defense secretary under Reagan, was charged (1992) with the same offense. In 1992 then-president Bush pardoned Weinberger and other officials who had been indicted or convicted for withholding information on or obstructing investigation of the affair. The Iran-contra affair raised serious questions about the nature and scope of congressional oversight of foreign affairs and the limits of the executive branch.


See B. Woodward, Veil (1987); T. Draper, A Very Thin Line (1991).

References in periodicals archive ?
Perhaps the key meeting was on January 7, 1986, at which Secretary of Defense Weinberger and Secretary of State Shultz objected to the arms-for-hostages policy.
But as more information about the arms-for-hostages deal with Iran came out in congressional hearings and testimony, President Reagan had to admit what the evidence showed.
Publicly, Reagan and the others insisted repeatedly that the United States would not negotiate with terrorists, and would not agree to any demands whatsoever--an argument the terrorists had little trouble dismissing, since they were part of the secret arms-for-hostages deals.
When the arms-for-hostages deal was revealed in the press, I was due to be the next hostage released.
Admiral Poindexter was national security adviser to President Reagan and oversaw the arms-for-hostages fiasco that became known as the "Iran-Contra" scandal.
And he admits he made a mistake getting too close to President Reagan and spiking his own scoop about the president's disastrous arms-for-hostages swap.
But with Ronald Reagan Woodward can really get his teeth into something, Iran-Contra, arms-for-hostages, and Lt Col Oliver North.
In 1987, when Ronald Reagan insisted that there was no arms-for-hostages deal, and repeatedly couldn't recall details, pundits and editorialists did not leap to their drums to pound away for impeachment.
Out of 12 counts, the jury found North guilty on three: Count 6, "aiding and abetting" the administration's effort to deceive Congress by writing false chronologies about the arms-for-hostages initiative in Iran; Count 9, altering and destroying documents by shredding; and Count 10, accepting an illegal gratuity in the form of a $13,800 security fence paid for by Richard Secord with monies raised from the arms sales.
But as the first agents were about to be deployed, the White House canceled the operation-apparently because a rescue attempt would have interfered with the arms-for-hostages negotiations being run out of the NSC (which were about to be exposed).
Reagan did not buckle to the forceful wishes of advisers and see the plan gradually "evolve" into an arms-for-hostages deal.
For example, although Shultz did not resign over the arms-for-hostages policy, he threatened to quit over relatively minor issues: the administration's lie detector policy, the president's sending Robert McFarlane on a mission without Shultz's knowledge, and his being denied the use of a plane.