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Bentham, Jeremy
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Bentham, Jeremy, 1748–1832, English philosopher, jurist, political theorist, and founder of utilitarianism utilitarianism , in ethics, the theory that the rightness or wrongness of an action is determined by its usefulness in bringing about the most happiness of all those affected by it.
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. Educated at Oxford, he was trained as a lawyer and was admitted to the bar, but he never practiced; he devoted himself to the scientific analysis of morals and legislation. His greatest work was his Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789), which shows the influence of Helvétius and won Bentham recognition throughout the Western world. His utilitarianism held that the greatest happiness of the greatest number is the fundamental and self-evident principle of morality. This principle should govern our judgment of every institution and action. He identified happiness with pleasure and devised a moral arithmetic for judging the value of a pleasure or a pain. He argued that self-interests, properly understood, are harmonious and that the general welfare is bound up with personal happiness. Bentham's contribution to theoretical ethics has had less lasting effect than his thorough application of utilitarian principles to economics, jurisprudence, and politics. Devoting himself to the reform of English legislation and law, he demanded prison reform, codification of the laws, and extension of political franchise. The 19th-century reforms of criminal law, of judicial organization, and of the parliamentary electorate owe much to the influence of Bentham and his disciples.

Bibliography

See his Correspondence, ed. by T. L. Sprigge et al. (9 vol., 1968–89); biographies by R. Harrison (1985) and J. Dinwiddy (1989); study by G. J. Posthema (1989).


Bentham, Jeremy

Enlarge picture
Jeremy Bentham, detail of an oil painting by H.W. Pickersgill, 1829; in the National Portrait …
(credit: Courtesy of the National Portrait Gallery, London)
(born Feb. 15, 1748, London, Eng.—died June 6, 1832, London) British moral philosopher and legal theorist, the earliest expounder of utilitarianism. A precocious student, he graduated from Oxford at age 15. In his An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, he argued that mankind was governed by two sovereign motives, pain and pleasure. The object of all legislation, therefore, must be the “greatest happiness of the greatest number”; and since all punishment involves pain and is therefore evil, it ought only to be used “so far as it promises to exclude some greater evil.” His work inspired much reform legislation, especially regarding prisons. He was also an exponent of the new laissez-faire economics of Adam Smith and David Ricardo. Though a vocal advocate of democracy, he rejected the notions of the social contract, natural law, and natural rights as fictional and counterproductive (“Rights is the child of law; from real law come real rights; but from imaginary laws, from ‘law of nature,' come imaginary rights”). He helped found the radical Westminster Review (1823). In accordance with his will, his clothed skeleton is permanently exhibited at University College, London.


Bentham, Jeremy 

Born Feb. 15, 1748, in London; died there June 6, 1832. English sociologist, jurist, and founder of utilitarianism, a school of English philosophy.

Bentham was the son of a lawyer. An ideologist of the bourgeoisie in the epoch of the industrial revolution in England, he glorified “sober” bourgeois common sense and considered the English capitalist system to be the natural and ideal social structure and the English bourgeois to be “reasonable” man. Bentham’s ethics, expounded in Deontology, or the Science of Morality (vols. 1–2, 1834), are metaphysical, based on the principle of “utility,” according to which people’s actions and relationships are given a moral evaluation depending on the benefits they bring. Man’s personal interests were taken into account in defining utility. In Bentham’s treatment, the teachings of the Enlightenment lost their revolutionary content: the idea of a rational, harmonious union between personal and social interests was turned into the principle of “the greatest happiness for the greatest number of individuals” and into a call for attaining personal happiness, as if this would automatically increase the overall sum of happiness.

Bentham sharply criticized Rousseau’s theory of a social contract for its tendency to inspire a spirit of rebellion. However, he supported the demands to reform the English parliament by broadening the electoral enfranchisement. Bentham defended the idea of free trade and unrestricted competition, which, in his opinion, was supposed to guarantee social tranquillity, justice, and equality.

Karl Marx called Bentham a “genius of bourgeois stupidity” (K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch., 2nd ed., vol. 23, p. 624, note). The classics of Marxism-Leninism considered Bentham’s views a typical expression of vulgar prejudices regarding “freedom” and “equality” under capitalism.

WORKS

The Works of J. Bentham, vols. 1–2. Edinburgh, 1838–43. Published by J. Bowring.
The Correspondence of J. Bentham, vols. 1–2. London, 1968.
In Russian translation:
lzbrannye sochineniia, vol. 1. St. Petersburg, 1867.

REFERENCES

Marx, K., and F. Engels. Soch., 2nd ed., vols. 2–4, 23, 27. (See Name Index.)
Lenin, V. I. Poln. sobr. soch., 5thed., vol. 38, pp. 346, 376; vol. 39, pp. 132–33.
Istoriia politic he skikh uchenii. Moscow, 1955. Pages 374–80.
Atkinson, M. J. Bentham: His Life and Work. London, 1905.
Manning, D. J. The Mind of Jeremy Bentham. [London, 1968.]


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25) This eagerness to apply economics to individual rules has a vaguely Benthamite or technocratic cast.
8) Schumpeter's was an historic figure, for reasons including his knowledge of bibliography, his distaste for the nearly total impact of Benthamite Utilitarianism on modern western economic thought, and the many tragedies in his life (though several were not self-inflicted, I would hold that an uncommon number were just that).
As early as 1963 he denounced "the obsession with economics--a Benthamite and Marxist obsession--[which] has oppressed nearly all discussions of Americans' wants for a good many years, and only now is beginning to give way to some serious talk of .
 
 
 
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