Kansas-Nebraska Act

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Kansas-Nebraska Act,

bill that became law on May 30, 1854, by which the U.S. Congress established the territories of Kansas and Nebraska. By 1854 the organization of the vast Platte and Kansas river countries W of Iowa and Missouri was overdue. As an isolated issue territorial organization of this area was no problem. It was, however, irrevocably bound to the bitter sectional controversy over the extension of slavery into the territories and was further complicated by conflict over the location of the projected transcontinental railroadtranscontinental railroad,
in U.S. history, rail connection with the Pacific coast. In 1845, Asa Whitney presented to Congress a plan for the federal government to subsidize the building of a railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific.
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. Under no circumstances did proslavery Congressmen want a free territory (Kansas) W of Missouri. Because the West was expanding rapidly, territorial organization, despite these difficulties, could no longer be postponed. Four attempts to organize a single territory for this area had already been defeated in Congress, largely because of Southern opposition to the Missouri CompromiseMissouri Compromise,
1820–21, measures passed by the U.S. Congress to end the first of a series of crises concerning the extension of slavery.

By 1818, Missouri Territory had gained sufficient population to warrant its admission into the Union as a state.
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. Although the last of these attempts to organize the area had nearly been successful, Stephen A. DouglasDouglas, Stephen Arnold,
1813–61, American statesman, b. Brandon, Vt. Senatorial Career

He was admitted to the bar at Jacksonville, Ill., in 1834. After holding various state and local offices he became a U.S.
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, chairman of the Senate Committee on Territories, decided to offer territorial legislation making concessions to the South. Douglas's motives have remained largely a matter of speculation. Various historians have emphasized Douglas's desire for the Presidency, his wish to cement the bonds of the Democratic party, his interest in expansion and railroad building, or his desire to activate the unimpressive Pierce administration. The bill he reported in Jan., 1854, contained the provision that the question of slavery should be left to the decision of the territorial settlers themselves. This was the famous principle that Douglas now called popular sovereigntypopular sovereignty,
in U.S. history, doctrine under which the status of slavery in the territories was to be determined by the settlers themselves. Although the doctrine won wide support as a means of avoiding sectional conflict over the slavery issue, its meaning remained
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, though actually it had been enunciated four years earlier in the Compromise of 1850Compromise of 1850.
The annexation of Texas to the United States and the gain of new territory by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo at the close of the Mexican War (1848) aggravated the hostility between North and South concerning the question of the extension of slavery into the
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. In its final form Douglas's bill provided for the creation of two new territories—Kansas and Nebraska—instead of one. The obvious inference—at least to Missourians—was that the first would be slave, the second free. The Kansas-Nebraska Act flatly contradicted the provisions of the Missouri Compromise (under which slavery would have been barred from both territories); indeed, an amendment was added specifically repealing that compromise. This aspect of the bill in particular enraged the antislavery forces, but after three months of bitter debate in Congress, Douglas, backed by President Pierce and the Southerners, saw it adopted. Its effects were anything but reassuring to those who had hoped for a peaceful solution. The popular sovereignty provision caused both proslavery and antislavery forces to marshal strength and exert full pressure to determine the "popular" decision in Kansas in their own favor, using groups such as the Emigrant Aid CompanyEmigrant Aid Company,
organization formed in 1854 to promote organized antislavery immigration to the Kansas territory from the Northeast. Eli Thayer conceived the plan as early as Feb.
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. The result was the tragedy of "bleeding" Kansas. Northerners and Southerners were aroused to such passions that sectional division reached a point that precluded reconciliation. A new political organization, the Republican partyRepublican party,
American political party. Origins and Early Years

The name was first used by Thomas Jefferson's party, later called the Democratic Republican party or, simply, the Democratic party.
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, was founded by opponents of the bill, and the United States was propelled toward the Civil War.


See P. O. Ray, The Repeal of the Missouri Compromise (1909, repr. 1965).

References in periodicals archive ?
Just four years later, Douglas passed the Kansas-Nebraska Act that repealed the seemingly impregnable Missouri Compromise and opened new states to slavery if their residents voted to allow it.
When the Kansas-Nebraska Act seemed to make that once-unthinkable potentiality into a real possibility, they jettisoned their allegiance to the Democratic Party and created another whose central principle was opposition to the expansion of the plantation system.
As this remark suggests, beneath the "popular sovereignty" that the Kansas-Nebraska Act had established in these territories were deep and divisive questions about who was empowered to make decisions for the new territory and what appropriate limits to popular government should be.
This spring marks the 160th anniversary of the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which repealed the Missouri Compromise of 1820 and opened the territories of Kansas and Nebraska, previously closed to slavery, to the possibility that those territories and states evolving from them could be slave.
With a civil war raging in Kansas, the debate over the Kansas-Nebraska Act, the caning of Andrew Butler, the collapse of the Whig Party, the rise of the Republican Party, and the increasingly hostile sectional debates over slavery, Lincoln and Douglas hardened their political positions.
When Congress passed the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, a bill that allowed slavery to extend into the western territories by popular sovereignty, Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts seethed in outrage, fearful that Kansas would enter the Union as a slave state.
Primarily slavery, as the decade witnessed the passage of the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law, followed by the 1854 Kansas-Nebraska Act and the Dred Scott case in 1857.
The Kansas-Nebraska act of 1854, which gave settlers the ability to determine through popular sovereignty whether these newly created states would allow or prohibit slavery--and in the process destroyed the Missouri Compromise of 1820--was crucial to the rise of the GOP and its abolitionist constituency.
His reemergence into political life in the wake of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, Foner argues, stemmed from this same belief in the rule of law; "Douglas' bill represented a profound departure from the original intention of the founding fathers, who sought to restrict the spread of slavery and hoped to see it eventually die out.
Third, scholars have chronicled how popular sovereignty worked when put into practice, especially after passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act in 1854.
Michiganians opposed to the Kansas-Nebraska Act met in an oak grove in Jackson and organized themselves into the Republican Party.