Patrilineal Clan

Patrilineal Clan

 

an exogamous group of blood relatives of patrilineal descent who are conscious of their common ties. This consciousness is reflected in the use of family names and the belief in the members’ descent from a common ancestor. The patrilineal clan is most characteristic of the patriarchal era—that is, the period of dissolution of primitive clan society—but it is fixed in its early forms among some of the more backward societies known to ethnology, including some of the Australian aborigines and American Indians. Late vestigial forms of the patrilineal clan system are sometimes long preserved in class societies; among some peoples, including some Bantu and Arabs, the patrilineal clan is becoming endogamous. [19–51—3]

References in periodicals archive ?
Through the designing and painting process, a woman thus gives birth to an entity of cloth, thereby reproducing the patrilineal clan and its ancestral origins.
Considering the intimate relationship between women's reproductive capacities and the red pigment, along with their responsibility of drawing the ancestral patrilineal clan designs, tapa recapitulates people's ontogenesis, the way they are conceived.
But bridewealth marriage, patrilineal clan rights to land, and other local family-centered issues are not parts of this analysis.
The purest expression of this fit was Claude Levi-Strauss's (1949) model of Aboriginal society, in which the males of each patrilineal clan lived on their own clan's estate and were linked to surrounding clans by the exchange of sisters.
The horde would then be the law-making, and war-making, but not the land-owning group, since in a patrilineal clan, its female members would be living with other hordes occupying territories of the clans of the men they married.
For example, it has often been observed that Afghans are tribal; these people are organized into often-competing patrilineages and patrilineal clans.
In these several respects, Nage statements representing galactogenic prescriptions as properties of patrilineal clans reveal a 'participants' view' of a social institution that is largely contradicted by a manifest state-of-affairs.
Rather, the keeping of oral history was facilitated, as elsewhere on the West African coast, by strong patrilineal clans that were residentially focused in villages and in the same location for hundreds of years.
Such a move to prioritise genealogically determined matrilineal kin groups as owners parallels the trend at Telefolmin to transform the flexible tenum miit in which one can claim affiliation through male and female ancestry, into exclusively patrilineal clans as a way of 'insisting that only those descended in the male line should receive benefits.
In Fiji, for instance, land registration began as long ago as the 1880s and, as Nayacakalou describes (1971), the colonial government there also oversimplified the land tenure system as 'unilineal' so that land was registered by patrilineal clans.
This relation was called 'pitfall, waste pit' (ngapma ngapma): the members of these two patrilineal clans feel and think alike, they 'find themselves in the same pit', they are related to each other.
A typical village is composed of male members, descended from two or more patrilineal clans, their wives, children and other female relatives.