This can be seen in the prevalence of secondary antisemitism that occurs with explicit as well as latent reference to
National Socialism in order to legitimize it and in order to deflect from guilt.
What is intriguing about Overy's suggestion about parting with the word Nazi and shifting instead to the expression
National Socialism is History Today's readers reaction when they read his essay.
It is not necessary to accept completely Ruault's argument for reconfig-ured patriarchy as central to
National Socialism in order to appreciate his contribution to the movement's concept of a "people's community" "based on masses, not classes"; it heightened the "masses" aspect by mobilizing Germany's social periphery--and not least its appealing to those masses at the lowest possible common denominator.
A deeper historical and social scientific analysis about how socialist
National Socialism actually was would have been welcome, but this chapter reveals that
National Socialism, contrary to widespread opinion, was not a homogenous phenomenon.
Historically,
National Socialism was widely seen as having its roots in Germany's flawed process of building a modern nation, its authoritarian and militaristic cultural patterns and educational values--in short, in the German Sonderweg (Grebing, 1986).
Scholarship dealing with the relationship between Catholicism and
National Socialism has hitherto been largely focused on their early conciliatory attitudes, the subsequent and increasingly repressive policies adopted by the Nazis, and the consequent growth of a reluctant Catholic opposition.
This text, unpublished until 1989, reveals a muted critique of
National Socialism that is veiled within a broader critique of calculation and its various off-shoots: ever-expanding functionality, giganticism, machination, and technology.
However, it is somewhat misleading as the author implicitly implies when he acknowledges that out of sixty -priests deemed favorable to the state and party, only two were "outwardly and ideologically sympathetic to
National Socialism." Very few, in other words, "endeavored to serve the Fuhrer" (pp.
Replacing conveniently manufactured myths with surprising and enlightening research, Jonah Goldberg reminds us that the original fascists were really on the left, and that liberals from Woodrow Wilson to FDR to Hillary Clinton have advocated policies and principles remarkably similar to those of Hitler's
National Socialism and Mussolini's Fascism."
The Forsa agency, which conducted the survey for Stern, asked Germans whether
National Socialism also had some "good sides [such as] the construction of the highway system, the elimination of unemployment, the low criminality rate [and] the encouragement of the family." Forsa said 25% responded "yes" while 70% said "no." People 60 or older were most likely to see a positive side to the Nazi era, with 37% answering "yes."
(Three New Deals does not focus as much on the latter.) Nor is that a mere historical curiosity, of no great importance in the era following democracy's triumph over fascism,
National Socialism, and communism.
In June 2006, Duke was a speaker at a conference in Moscow entitled, "The White World's Future," convened by Pavel Tulaev, an outspoken advocate of Aryan Paganism and
national socialism. In November 2005, Duke was the guest of Syria's terror regime leader, Bashar al-Assad.