A brass plaque in the entrance hall to the current meeting house commemorates and lists the Friends rudely awoken and moved at this time.
Above, the original Friends meeting house, as altered in 1845; below, the house as it appeared from 1857 to 1933; left, the hustle and bustle of Bull Street, the spiritual home of the Society of Friends from 1703
In their structure and decoration these storehouses prefigured carved meeting houses and appear in retrospect to have been meeting houses on poles.
Wherever there was open military and/or religious opposition to the colonial government in the 1860s and 1870s meeting houses were built as symbols of political unity in opposition - many built in Taranaki and Waikato were also burned to the ground by government troops because of this.
During the 1870s and 1880s meeting houses became politically and ritually central within Ringatu communities in the eastern and central North Island where they were built as venues for Ringatu Church services held to mark the 12th day of each month and the first of January each year.
Large carved meeting houses were, therefore, hybrid structures built during a period of rapid political change.
Ngati Tarawhai carvers had been widely employed during the 1860s and 1870s to produce carvings for the large meeting houses built by tribes aligned with the King Movement, and, with the beginnings of the tourist industry in Rotorua in the 1880s, these men had turned their hands toward meeting the demands of a commodity market.
Central to the development of marae throughout rural New Zealand in the 1930s and 1940s was the building and decorating of new meeting houses.
Many of the meeting houses built during the 1930s and 1940s were carved by students of the Rotorua School of Maori Arts and Crafts.
Against the sentimentalisation of marae and meeting house 'ritual' since the 1920s (and continued by some Maori leaders and anthropologists), Neich boldly emphasises that 'the development of the meeting house and its associated social behavioural complex is a post-European phenomenon' (121, 89, 150).
Examples of this reductionism are Neich's analyses of the social implications of the meanings of mua or muri, and tapu and noa, his acceptance of Salmond's similarly semantic analyses of Maori society, and a Rongowhakaata meeting house in which the expected symbolic oppositions are spectacularly 'not operative' (pp.
At the 1994 Easter re-opening of Rongokarae I was confronted by a whole meeting house full inside and out with these outrageous forms and colours, including European fruit trees being planted and horses being raced and rafters painted like tukutuku weavings, all in pea-greens, yellows, and mauves which were so far from the 'traditional' red, black and white that young Tuhoe had at first found it all to be simply 'yuck'.