The situation of a republic vis-a-vis the center differed from that of a Russian region with regard to the dominance of the titular nomenklatura in the republic, the titular leadership's function of blocking political manifestations of nationalism, as well as the role of the second secretary of the republic sent in by Moscow.
During the last interview, Kharazov allowed me to make a copy of his blue-cover notebook (anyone who lived in the USSR would perfectly remember its color and design), in which at the end of January 1974 he wrote down the opinions of representatives of the Lithuanian nomenklatura regarding Snieckus's possible successor.
Second, the survey of the Lithuanian nomenklatura contained in the blue notebook reflects Kharazov's own assessment of the situation as an envoy from Moscow and his involvement in the relations of the local nomenklatura.
Kharazov's work experience in the apparatus of the Central Committee of the CPSU was crucial--we can distinctly see how the supposedly objective assessment of the Lithuanian nomenklatura presented in his notebook was influenced by his previous experience supervising the Belorussian administration for the Department for Organizational Party Work of the Central Committee.
A number of memoir accounts exist that discuss the efforts of the representatives of the Lithuanian nomenklatura to prevent the chairman of the republic's Council of Ministers Juozas Maniusis from becoming first secretary.
In addition he benefited from a political advantage composed of his membership of the nomenklatura, a political advantage which put in place permanent networks reconstituted in the post-Communist era.
These particular members of the nomenklatura hardly needed the benefit of any economic advantage such as that already referred to.
The percentage of the former elite which was halted in its rise is not negligible: in Poland and Hungary nearly 20% of the nomenklatura took early retirement or found themselves stripped of their advantages (resulting in unemployment, poverty, etc.
coincided essentially with those of the Russian Republics' nomenklatura and of the capital intellectual elite.
Above all, it was a reaction against the nomenklatura, the political rejection of the dominant stratum, which in the late 1980s, after a degree of recovery between 1986 and 1987, had finally lost any legitimacy for its practice and theory.
Obvious explanations, based on superficial factors, abound: fatigue caused by 60 years of patriotic propaganda, inseparable from the Communism of the nomenklatura, the depressing effects of the Afghan War, fascination with the new, commercial propaganda and with the merchandise itself (alcohol, tobacco, some food, automobiles, electronics, pornography) in a country that had lived with the eternal and worn-out complex of the fortress besieged, with asceticism as the norm for the downtrodden majority and consumption of those products reserved exclusively to the officially privileged.
In this "culture of stagnation" (as Garcia Marquez called it), the demonstrative effect of TV, rock, the models of nomenklatura material consumption, etc.