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popular sovereignty

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popular sovereignty, in U.S. history, doctrine under which the status of slavery in the territories was to be determined by the settlers themselves. Although the doctrine won wide support as a means of avoiding sectional conflict over the slavery issue, its meaning remained ambiguous, since proponents disagreed as to the stage of territorial development at which the decision should be made. Stephen A. Douglas Douglas, Stephen Arnold, 1813–61, American statesman, b. Brandon, Vt.

Senatorial Career



He was admitted to the bar at Jacksonville, Ill., in 1834. After holding various state and local offices he became a U.S.
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, principal promoter of the doctrine, wanted the choice made at an early stage of settlement; others felt that it should be made just before each territory achieved statehood. First proposed in 1847 by Vice President George Dallas and popularized by Lewis Cass in his 1848 presidential campaign, the doctrine was incorporated in the Compromise of 1850 Compromise of 1850. The annexation of Texas to the United States and the gain of new territory by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo at the close of the Mexican War (1848) aggravated the hostility between North and South concerning the question of the extension of
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 and four years later was an important feature of the Kansas-Nebraska Act Kansas-Nebraska Act, bill that became law on May 30, 1854, by which the U.S. Congress established the territories of Kansas and Nebraska. By 1854 the organization of the vast Platte and Kansas river countries W of Iowa and Missouri was overdue.
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. Douglas called it "popular sovereignty," but proslavery Southerners, who wanted slavery extended into the territories, contemptuously called it "squatter sovereignty."

popular sovereignty

Political doctrine that allowed the settlers of U.S. federal territories to decide whether to enter the Union as free or slave states. It was applied by Sen. Stephen A. Douglas as a means to reach a compromise through passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act. Critics of the doctrine called it “squatter sovereignty.” The resulting violence between pro- and antislavery factions (see Bleeding Kansas) showed its failure as a workable compromise. See also Dred Scott decision.



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Political life in Oaxaca (and by implication, in Mexico more generally) underwent a dramatic cultural transformation between 1750 and 1850, according to Guardino, from a dependence on royal sovereignty to popular sovereignty, from subjecthood to citizenship for (male) individuals, and from colonial rule to republican government based on electoral politics.
Douglas's arguments for popular sovereignty, he said, were "as thin as the homeopathic soup that was made by boiling the shadow of a pigeon that had starved to death.
Maistre wrote a systematic critique of Rousseau's ideas on the state of nature and popular sovereignty while Burke never went beyond some critical comments.
 
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