(13) Ei sedda ood olle kul paljo, NEG this:PRTV night:PRTV be.CNG PTCL much mis minna magga-ma saa-n; what I sleep-SUP SAA-1SG sest haiged salliwad mind (COLE, Holtz 1817) because the sick people ask for me 'I can't manage to sleep much at night, because the sick people ask for me' The resultative construction with the active participle
shows a decline in usage, from 10% and 13% in earlier periods to 7% in the first half of the 19th century and then only 1% in the second half of the century.
An explanation is due in respect of what is traditionally referred to as the active participle
In Uzbekistan and Afghanistan (5) the situation is slightly complicated by the fact that the active participle
has itself become refunctionalized into a person-inflected form in which the historical pronoun objects assume the function of subject.
Again, note the contrast with the synchronic perfect active participle
The stem of the imperfective form is the G-stem active participle
bayi in the third person forms (singular and plural) and the suppletive form abi in all other forms.
According to Bybee (1994: 250), "a progressive restricted to the present by the existence of a past imperfective will become a present tense, while a progressive that is not so restricted will become an imperfective--expanding to cover as many functions as possible." Although it is indisputable that the Aramaic active participle
developed from an atemporal progressive to a present, or at least to the base of a grammatical construction for the present tense (e.g., Rubin 2005: 31-32), the evidence from my research on the Aramaic of Daniel suggests that the path of development was not direct, but that the active participle
first became a general imperfective (see Li 2009: 55-56, 90-92, 95-96, 147-48; 2010).
Some of these have retained the MidAr present active participle
in both general and actual usage, e.g., Turoyo k-oxal-no, Hertevin axlen, Qaraqosh [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] ~ [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]) 'I (m.) am (in the process of) eating' as well as 'I (m.) eat (in general, all the time, every day).
Traditionally, a writing such as jrt can be an infinitive ("to do"), a past active participle
in the feminine singular ("who has done"), a past passive participle in the feminine singular ("what has been done"), and a suffix conjugation equivalent to jr.t ("may you [fem.] do").
It is demonstrated that Iraqi Arabic da-, qa(d) < ga'id, "sitting," and North African ka probably < ka'in, the active participle
of kan, "to be." The author is right to hypothesize that the Syro-Palestinian and Egyptian b- marking present is connected with the Yemeni Arabic b- < bayn- < Classical Arabic baynama, "while." The bi- marking future in Kuwaiti Arabic, etc.
Concerning the participial forms of SH-W-Q, Genequand understands the first instance to be an active participle
and the second to be a passive participle.
For example, the active participle
is regularly expected to refer to the present, but in Cairene dialect, for example, wakil, the active participle
of the verb 'akal, yakul "to eat" most often means "having eaten" rather than "eating," whereas hasis means "feels" right now.
The latter is explicit, "May the king direct his face towards," i.e., "may he turn his attention to." So liskin is from a root meaning "to pay attention to." Thus the active participle
, sakinu in Ugaritic, sokinu in Late Bronze Age Canaanite, and soken in Massoretic Hebrew, means "one who tends to things."