Nowhere is this more explicitly stated than by Livy, recording a speech made in the second century by the general Aemilius Paullus
. (5) In 168 BCE, Aemilius and his army had arrived at Pydna in Macedon, anticipating battle between themselves and the troops of King Perseus.
The development forced the Roman Senate to elect two new consuls: Sterling Gaius Terentius Varro and Lucius Aemilius Paullus
with the express directives to mobilize the huge historical might of the Roman Republic in support of coalition forces in order to completely eliminate Hannibal.
Among several factual errors, Gabriel states that Scipio Africanus' grandson, Scipio Aemilianus, was adopted by the Roman general, Aemilius Paullus
, but in fact Aemilius Paullus
was Scipio Aemilanus' natural father; the boy was adopted into the Scipio family (xiv).
The [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII.] are more difficult to reconstruct with certainty, but since some were taken back to Rome by Aemilius Paullus
and displayed during his triumph (Diod.
Although some commentators have identified it as the triumph of the emperor Aurelian over the Palmyrene queen Zenobia, the text of Silvanus, combined with the Republican theme of the room, makes it certain that we are witnessing Aemilius Paullus
, the conqueror of King Perseus of Macedon, celebrating his victory procession in 167 BC.
How widely replicated in the cities of the Roman Empire the model was it is impossible to say; but the new paradigm closed off the opportunity for fathers to emulate Roman paragons from the distant past such as Aemilius Paullus
, who could be remembered as 'the lovingest of fathers,' or Fabius Maximus, who could be remembered as a 'wise man and a good father.' The Christian asserting that 'Christ is our true father' and 'our faith in him is our mother', as Hierax the companion in death of Justin Martyr did, embodied in his overwhelming desire to win a martyr's crown the Christian revolution in social psychology as a consequence of which earthly ties could, and sometimes did, become meaningless.
Cohen begins by reminding us that the demand that generals be given a free hand goes back to the Roman republic when Consul Lucius Aemilius Paullus
, in 168 B.C., sneered at the senatorial armchair warriors who presumed to advise him about subduing the Macedonians: "The city itself provides enough subjects for conversation; let him confine his garrulity to these; and let him be aware that I shall be satisfied with the advice originating in camp." But as Cohen astutely points out, the idea of the military officer as a consummate professional clinically carrying out his task is nonsense.
's presiding over the trampling to death by elephants of non-Roman deserters (probably in the Circus) in 167 B.C.
perhaps added to, rather than replaced, the expectations deriving from his natural family.
remark in a speech to the people after being allotted command of the war against Perseus, Deos quoque huic favisse sorti spero eosdemque in rebus gerendis adfuturos esse.(54) None of this indicates that the Romans viewed sortilege as anything other than an impartial method for men to make choices watched over, in a distant way, by the gods.
but there is no evidence that they were a regular feature of aristocratic funerals.(63) Paullus' funeral saw the performance of Terence's Adelphoe and Hecyra.