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(or Austro-Hungarian Monarchy), the dual state created in 1867 as a result of the reorganization of the Austrian Empire (the Hapsburg Monarchy) on the basis of an agreement between the ruling classes of Austria and Hungary. The agreement, the so-called Austro-Hungarian Compromise of Feb. 8, 1867, was concluded in the midst of a political crisis in the empire, aggravated by its defeat in the war with Prussia (Seven Weeks’ War of 1866). It represented a concession by the ruling circles of Austria to the landowners of Hungary.

The Hapsburg Monarchy was divided into two parts along the Leitha River. The first part was the Austrian Empire (“the kingdoms and lands represented in the Reichsrat”), or Cisleithania, comprising Austria proper and a number of primarily Slavic areas—Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, Istria, Dalmatia, Bukovina, Carniola, Glicia, and others. The second part was the Kingdom of Hungary (“the territories of the Hungarian Crown”), or Transleithania, comprising Hungary proper, Slovakia, Croatia, Transylvania, and other areas. Like Austria, Hungary was recognized as a sovereign part of the state.

At the head of the dual Austro-Hungarian Monarchy stood the emperor of Austria, also the king of Hungary, whose powers were formally limited by the Austrian Reichsrat and by the Hungarian Diet. Three joint ministries—the ministries of foreign affairs, the armed forces, and finance—were set up for all of Austria-Hungary, but the last two also existed in the two component parts of the monarchy. The other ministries were autonomous for Austria and Hungary. Joint expenditures were divided proportionally between the two parts of Austria-Hungary, were regulated by an agreement between the Reichsrat and the Diet, and were the subject of constant strife. Austria-Hungary possessed no joint constitution. Legislative power for the empire as a whole was exercised by the so-called Delegations, consisting of 60 members from the Reichsrat and 60 from the Diet, that convened annually.

In establishing the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the Hapsburgs sought to make use of the union between the large Hungarian landowners and the Austrian bourgeoisie to suppress the national liberation and democratic movements within the country, to eliminate the danger of a complete break with Hungary, and to reach a compromise with the Austrian bourgeoisie by granting it certain constitutional rights. The Austro-Hungarian Agreement of 1867 was the cornerstone of the Hapsburg Monarchy’s national policy at the turn of the 20th century. Relying for support on the ruling classes of Austria and Hungary proper, the government of Francis Joseph oppressed the other, primarily Slavic, peoples that inhabited the multinational Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Defeated in World War I and faced with an upsurge of the working class and national liberation movements that were gathering momentum under the influence of the October Revolution in Russia, Austria-Hungary fell apart at the end of 1918. The bourgeois states of Austria, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia were created from its territory. Part of the territory went to Yugoslavia, Rumania, and Poland.

References in periodicals archive ?
Germany, whose orientation was toward the West, aimed cessation off any close French-Russian tendencies, was interested in having secured a surplus of Austrian troops in the West, in case Romania had become an ally with Austria-Hungary (Cazan and Zoner, 1979: 28).
Similarly, Serbia desired a port on the Adriatic Sea in an area controlled by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Austria-Hungary wanted to annex the Aegean port of Salonika, which was located in Greek territory.
Austria-Hungary blamed Serbia |and mobilised their forces for war on July 28.
Nevertheless, German statesmen knew that support for Austria-Hungary ran the risk of a general war, not least because German military planning - the Schlieffen Plan - was designed to overwhelm France first in the event of a war with Russia.
accused, Austria-Hungary and Serbia, had rapidly escalated into global
22) After a ritual condemnation of the unilateral nature of Russia's move, therefore, Beust counselled what amounted to an acceptance of a fait accompli: Austria-Hungary should most certainly protest the Russian move, but must on no account adopt a threatening tone.
Despite this failure, the collaboration between the two Czech groups led to the rise and maturity of modern Czech nationalism in the second half of the nineteenth century, which resulted in the creation of Czechoslovakia after the fall of Austria-Hungary in 1918.
On the occasion of the 90th anniversary of the end of World War I, the military history museums of Bulgaria and Austria teamed up to show an Austrian audience the role that the Kingdom of Bulgaria had in the war as an ally of Austria-Hungary.
For instance, a chapter on the famous flu pandemic that overlapped with the closing years of the First World War points to evidence that the differential impact of the virus on the military and bureaucratic capabilities of the warring nations had a hand in the defeat of Germany and the collapse of Austria-Hungary.
More contentious perhaps is Kukushkin's lengthy discussion of how the Slavs from Russia's Belarus and Ukrainian-dominated territories west of the Dnieper River in general and Ukrainians in particular differed from the Galicians and Bukovynians of Austria-Hungary.
Like the EU, Austria-Hungary was an experiment in supranational engineering, comprising 51 million inhabitants, 11 nationalities, and 14 languages.
Opportunity of autonomous development" for the peoples and nationalities of Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire; and

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