Concert of Europe


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Concert of Europe,

term used in the 19th cent. to designate a loose agreement by the major European powers to act together on European questions of common interest. The concert emerged after the Congress of Vienna (1814–15) and included the Quadruple AllianceQuadruple Alliance,
any of several European alliances. The Quadruple Alliance of 1718 was formed by Great Britain, France, the Holy Roman emperor, and the Netherlands when Philip V of Spain, guided by Cardinal Alberoni, sought by force to nullify the peace settlements reached
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 powers of Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, and, as of 1818, France as well. It aimed to preserve peace by concerted diplomatic action reinforced by periodic conferences dealing with problems of mutual concern.
References in periodicals archive ?
The obvious model for a Concert of East Asia would be the nineteenth-century Concert of Europe (Kupchan and Kupchan 1992).
In the Concert of Europe, according to Elrod, "unanimity rather than majority rule prevailed." (15) Charles A.
It then gathered for the Congress of Vienna, which authored not a brutal, punitive diktat like the Treaty of Versailles in 1919, but a peace that welcomed a restored France back into the Concert of Europe. The principal men behind that prudent Peace of Paris (First and Second, the latter following Napoleon's return and defeat at Waterloo) were an archconservative, Prince Metternich, and a Burkean Whig, the British Foreign Minister Lord Castlereagh.
In our view, the Obama administration wants to see in its place a "concert" of great powers--Russia, America, the European nations and Iran --working together to stabilize the Middle East as in the 19th century, when the "Concert of Europe" worked together to stabilize that Continent.
But Indian national interests and military potential are absent from the discussion until the very end of his first chapter, when he notes the suggestion of Australian strategist Hugh White that the U.S., China, India, Japan, and other Asian powers should initiate an arrangement for the management of Asia on the nineteenth-century "Concert of Europe" model.
Salt describes the dismemberment of the Empire, both directly by various members of the Concert of Europe and via the secession of Ottoman provinces in the Balkans and beyond with encouragement and material support from European governments.
As such cases as the Concert of Europe or, more recently, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations demonstrate, non-democracies are in fact capable of making peace with their rivals.
Then Winfried Baumgart found that the war was not just an Anglo-French idea but the last gasp of the Concert of Europe, a UN-type arrangement for overriding selfish national aims in favour of European security.
The 19th-century Concert of Europe figures prominently, and Kupchan describes both its operation and effective dissolution with the Crimean War.
With these three problems posing dangers to the world, Van Evera calls for a "Concert of Cooperation" among the great powers, along the lines of the Concert of Europe established in 1815 (pp.
One of Cohrs's basic themes is that the 1920s witnessed an attempt to create a postwar, transatlantic system that would replace the ruined nineteenth-century system of political equilibrium with one based on what he calls "Legitimate Equilibrium," in which nations recognized their place in a new kind of Concert of Europe. Cohrs's argument for a reorientation away from a focus on Versailles as the defining issue of the diplomacy of the 1920s does not always appear sustainable as it was the starting point for most of the subsequent negotiations by the participants.
The antirevolutionary alliance of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, and the "Concert of Europe," were arguably at least as important in maintaining the long great-power peace through much of this period as were the abstract structural characteristics of the European state system.