Deconstructing Ebonic myths: The first step in establishing effective intervention strategies.
Since the Oakland Unified School District passed its resolution on Ebonics in 1998 (Oakland Unified School District, 1998), Ebonics has been a lightning rod for controversy of all sorts.
Lost in this debate is the fact that numerous scholars have entered their support of Ebonics as a rule-governed linguistic system (Baugh, 1983, 1999; 2000; Dillard, 1972; Ewars, 1996; Poplack, 2000; Rickford, 1977,1997,1999; Stewart, 1967; DeFrantz, 1979; Ewers, n.
Olivet and in the MEd students' school placements regularly used what many scholars term Ebonics or Black English (Perry & Delpit, 1998; Smitherman, 1977).
After reading several chapters from the book The Real Ebonics Debate (Perry & Delpit, 1998) she had this to say:
The group had been reading about and discussing many of the stylistic features found in Black English or Ebonics (Smitherman, 1977) including oral traditions, call-response communicative patterns, topic-associative narrative structures (Michaels, 1981, 1986), and creative language use.
So far all four of the Brown groups have rejected any compromise and firmly insist on their own proposed handle with the full right to dictate the selected ebonic substitute for other Brown people.
Let us face it, ebonics is a fancy political cover for abnormal, defective, or dysfunctional speech.
Some argue that these children with ebonics, who are victims of a poverty class or dysfunctional family language environment, are appropriately thought to have language disorders and often with learning disabilities.
Schoolyard Sages: New York City School Kids Weigh In on Ebonics," The Village Voice
In The Village Voice's "Schoolyard Sages: New York City School Kids Weigh in on Ebonics," sixteen-year-old Keith Meyers, also from Cambria Heights, put it succinctly: "Teachers could make some room for different ways of speaking.
Perhaps the real argument is not about whether ebonics is a language or not.