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a petit bourgeois Utopian philosophy advocating universal leveling as the organizing principle of society.

In its earliest forms, in classical times and the Middle Ages, egalitarianism was associated with a demand for equal redistribution of the land. Under early capitalism two basic trends developed within egalitarianism. The first advocated equalization of the property of individual producers; the institution of private property was to be retained. The Jacobin dictatorship attempted to put into practice this ideal, which derived from the teachings of J.-J. Rousseau. The second trend in egalitarianism was associated with the earliest communist Utopian groups, such as the Babouvists; it advocated equal distribution of labor and goods on the basis of communal property.

K. Marx and F. Engels considered the principles of universal asceticism and crude leveling, which were characteristic of early communist literature, to be reactionary elements (see Soch., 2nd ed., vol. 4, p. 455). The reactionary features of egalitarianism found particularly vivid expression in “barracks communism,” which reduced people’s capabilities and needs to one level. Under conditions in which the proletariat has not yet taken shape as a class, the advancement of the principle of egalitarianism against the exploiting classes is, as Engels said, “a necessary stage of transition” from plebeian and petit bourgeois revolutionism to proletarian revolutionism (ibid., vol. 7, p. 377). In modern times, however, egalitarianism is a reactionary principle that is in opposition to the revolutionary ideals and the principle of equality advanced by the working class.


References in periodicals archive ?
Insofar as this is so, the example foreshadows my central claim that responsibility-tracking egalitarianism is unattainable because the nonsubordination of persons as agents is inconsistent with the nonsubordination of persons as patients and my subsidiary suggestion that, in cases of conflict, the nonsubordination of persons as patients should be sacrificed and the nonsubordination of persons as agents preferred.
He defines egalitarianism as pursuit of equal access to those things considered spiritually and materially desirable in our society.
My suspicion is that the most we can say in these matters is that there are loosely knit, highly contingent, but still recognizable constellations of political positions featuring both some kinds of egalitarianism and some kinds of illiberalism, and that it is just mistaken to assign priority to any one position in such constellations.
So Tocqueville recommends tempering egalitarianism with institutions and practices that emphasize liberty.
Such transition is customary recognized as modification of gender role from traditional to egalitarianism structure; in such transition women are more adaptive than men.
Martin argues that modern egalitarianism rejects older thinking on the subject.
Egalitarianism ought therefore to be rejected as the norm for deriving principles of public policy.
These include: the way egalitarianism is concerned with patterns, in particular its relationship to strong separability; the relationship between egalitarianism and other distributive views, such as concerns with fairness and with giving priority to the worse off; and the relationship between egalitarianism and evaluative measurement.
This book examines the meaning of food as a symbolic medium for the enactment of social relations, and index of social states, in Bosmun, a Melanesian society which values total interdependence and egalitarianism.
This, according to Dueppen, can be interpreted as evidence of increased egalitarianism.
For example, the link between egalitarianism and non-prejudiced attitudes appears to be weakened in competitive intergroup contexts (e.