The inclusion of toponyms relating to the End of Days within all the cordiform maps also support readings well beyond those suggested by Mangani and his proposal of hermetic readings related to Familist
mi s-a necinstit onoarea de familist
, acum nu mai imi pasa, macar sa intru si-n cremenal!
(33) But Mistress Purge's lectures on Familist
sacred space point to the subversion of reproductive processes, to the short-circuiting of the womb's spiritual and social function:
As early as 1645 a majority of the House of Delegates was in favor of a resolution for a "full and free toleration of religion to all men," without "exception against Turk, Jew, I Papist, Arian, Socinian, Familist
, or any other, but the governor would not put the question to a vote, so it failed to become law.
The relative weakness of union leadership, and the relative strength of capital's government allies and a suffocating individualist (rather than familist
, as in Japan) capitalist culture, was memorialized in the failure of industrial unions to ask for lifetime employment.
Similarly, the 1970s women's movement that emerged in Israel had a uniquely familist
focus (as opposed to its U.S.
(This trait is widely admired by Italians.) Finzi observed that Vendola had brought some "potentially subversive diversity" to two of Italy's "great traditions, Christian and familist
" by insisting on his place within them as an openly gay communist.
Necessary to this process is the acknowledgment of feminist and queer interests: "By making common cause across communities, queer and feminist discourses not only decentralize the familist
model of nationalisms but potentially destabilize the two-community model that has for so long shaped Northern politics" (19).
On the supply side, as a result of increasing female labour force participation, it cannot be assumed that women are available to carry out the traditional familist
role of caregiving.
Halley, Heresy, Orthodoxy, and the Politics of Religious Discourse: The Case of the English Family of Love, 15 Representations 98, 104 (1986) ("I've been unable to discover a Familist
text that rules out one of these readings.") [hereinafter Halley, Heresy and Orthodoxy].
This movement away from household industry toward commercial enterprise was continuing in the 1880s, Sears notes, "as witness the recent establishment of creameries and cheese-factories in place of private dairies, and the immense development of the canning of meats, vegetables, and fruits, a business originating in the family preserving-kettle." Soon, he argues, technology will permit "another step to be taken in the centralization of family industries" and overcome the "familist
" objections to such an arrogation of household chores.
Selections include Cohen and Curtin's "Introduction: Reclaiming Gender: An Agenda for Irish Studies"; Angela Bourke's "Irish Stories of Weather, Time, and Gender: Saint Brigid"; Curtin's "'A Nation of Abortive Men': Gendered Citizenship and Early Irish Republicanism"; Kathryn Conrad's "Women Troubles, Queer Troubles: Gender, Sexuality, and the Politics of Selfhood in the Construction of the Northern Irish State"; Anne Byrne's "Familist
Ideology and Difficult Identities: 'Never-Married' Women in Contemporary Irish Society"; Bourke's "The Ideal Man: Irish Masculinity and the Home, 1880-1914"; Vera