participants in the farmers’ movement in the United States in the 1870’s and 1880’s. The Greenback-ers, like the Grangers, attempted to oppose the onslaught of the big capitalists and particularly the oppression and robbery of the railroad magnates and bankers. They opposed the removal from circulation of greenback currency, mistakenly thinking that the retention of greenbacks would lead to increased prices on agricultural products. The first Greenback party, the Independent National Party, was organized in the 1870’s. When it united with workers’ groups it became known as the Greenback Labor Party. In the 1878 congressional elections it got more than 1 million votes. After its defeat in the 1884 presidential elections it disintegrated. In the I890’s many Greenbackers took part in the Populist movement.


Kuropiatnik, G. P. Fermerskoe dvizhenie v SShA ot greindzherov k
Narodnoi partit, 1867–1896. Moscow, 1971.
Fine, N. Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States, 1828–1928. New York, 1928.


References in classic literature ?
He had been a reform member of the city council, he had been a Greenbacker, a Labor Unionist, a Populist, a Bryanite--and after thirty years of fighting, the year 1896 had served to convince him that the power of concentrated wealth could never be controlled, but could only be destroyed.
Yet far from being symptomatic of a "long" or "great" depression, and notwithstanding occasional financial panics and the ululations of greenbackers and silverites, the deflation went hand-in-hand with robust long-term economic growth.
Greenbackers, Anti-Monopoly Party members, and Populists had railed against the power of financial elites since the end of the Civil War, (117) but these attacks had little political traction in a two-party system where neither party would espouse the anti-banking cause.
It's difficult, if not impossible, to imagine how we get from the early antimonopolists and Greenbackers and Knights (small regional parties without much of an ability to coordinate with those outside the region) to the Populists of the 1890s and then further to the Progressive and Socialist parties of the early twentieth century without considering that these were fundamentally different creatures.
this social ferment included, among others, the Grange, the Greenbackers, the Knights of Labour, the Populist Party, militant craft and industrial unions, utopian societies, and socialist parties and organisations.
As its leaders--former trade unionists, freethinkers, Loco-focos, and communitarians--had risen from the reform ferment of the 1820s and 1830s, so they dispersed into the later ranks of anarchists, socialists, Greenbackers, Populists, and communists.
the [voice of] third parties, of Greenbackers and Libertarians and village atheists and the 'conservative Christian anarchist' party whose founder and only member was Henry Adams.
Lause has previously written about the Greenback-Labor movement, and his greatest contribution in Young America is the unprecedented attempt to draw together the National Reformers and late 19th-century greenbackers, socialists, and populists.
Why, he asks, in a period marked by constant challenge to the major parties, did not the Greenbackers, Single-taxers, Prohibitionists, or Populists develop into a long-standing and successful challenge to the dominant parties?
The large Union Greenback clubs, expected to line up behind an independent effort, favored "fusion" slates in which Greenbackers and Democrats would vote together for a common slate of presidential electors.
And because disfranchisement favored the Democratic Party, other parties, such as Republicans, Populists, and Greenbackers, often resisted.
Moreover, Summers shows how third-party challengers, especially the Prohibitionists and the Greenbackers, bedeviled the calculations of the major party leaders, even driving some Republicans to try to bribe Prohibitionist John St.