Gustav Stresemann

Also found in: Dictionary, Wikipedia.
The following article is from The Great Soviet Encyclopedia (1979). It might be outdated or ideologically biased.

Stresemann, Gustav


Born May 10, 1878, in Berlin; died there Oct. 3, 1929. German political figure.

From 1903 to 1918, Stresemann was deputy chairman of the League of Saxon Manufacturers. In 1903 he joined the National Liberal Party of Germany, and in 1907 he was elected for the first of several times to the Reichstag. During World War I, Stresemann was an active supporter of annexation. After the war he was one of the organizers and leaders of the German People’s Party. During this period he shunned the extreme right groupings of the bourgeoisie and cooperated with Social Democratic leaders. From August to November 1923, Stresemann as chancellor headed the so-called Great Coalition (including representatives ranging from the German People’s Party to the Social Democrats), which helped the German bourgeoisie deal with a severe political crisis. In August 1923, Stresemann became foreign minister. Strengthening German imperialism under cover of peacemaking rhetoric, Stresemann concluded international agreements (Dawes Plan, Locarno Treaties of 1925) and arranged for Germany’s entry into the League of Nations (1926)—all of which constituted a revision of the Versailles Treaty of 1919. Strese-mann carried out a policy of rapprochement with the Western countries while advocating development of relations with the USSR (the Berlin Treaty concerning neutrality of 1926).


The Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd Edition (1970-1979). © 2010 The Gale Group, Inc. All rights reserved.
References in periodicals archive ?
Gustav Stresemann, a moderate conservative politician who supported the Republic, presented his party's policies as a continuation of Bismarck's Realpolitik, which he interpreted as a policy "conscious of the limitations of our power and which seeks understanding and peace" (p.
GUSTAV STRESEMANN BECAME Chancellor of Germany in August 1923 at a time when it seemed as though the state was about to break up in chaos.
(Berg, 1987); Henning Tewes and Jonathan Wright (eds.), Liberalism, Anti-Semitism and Democracy (Oxford University Press, 2001); Jonathan Wright, Gustav Stresemann: Weimar's Greatest Statesman (OUP, 2002).
Erik Goldstein, a Reader at the University of Birmingham, outlines the collective view of the United States held by British diplomatists and Foreign Office officials in the inter-war, while Jonathan Wright, of Christ Church, Oxford, examines whether the German foreign minister, Gustav Stresemann, was a liberal or a realist.
new light." That notwithstanding the author's own often stilted language (similar to a perceptive teacher's early evaluation of Junger's "pretentious diction"), Nevin's not infrequent factual errors (for example, Gustav Stresemann did not found the German National People's Party), and his too easy dismissal of Junger's numerous critics (the small selection of photographs includes a portrait inscribed to Nevin, but the standard monograph by Hans-Peter Schwarz is scarcely alluded to and the pointed critique of Kurt Sontheimer not at all).
Though the uninitiated will have difficulties with the depth of detail, those who persevere will find answers to what the Reichsbank's policies were, how they contributed to the initiation and control of inflation, what strategies industrialists - especially Hugo Stinnes - tried to follow and how they influenced events in contrast to leading politicians' - especially Joseph Wirth, Wilhelm Cuno, and Gustav Stresemann - responsibilities and activities.
The article created a sensation abroad and a scandal for Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann, who had just been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize and was in Geneva negotiating with the league about the evacuation of Allied military inspectors from Germany.
Groener's attitude towards the ensuing Weimar Republic, as Hurter correctly estimates, resembled that of its most distinguished political personage, long-time Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann: both were so-called "Vernunftrepublikaner" who embraced the new regime dispassionately as the only practicable arrangement if the debilitating effects of the Versailles Treaty and economic chaos (rampant inflation, after 1929, the Great Depression) upon Germany's international and military status were to be countered successfully.