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during the French Revolution, a left Jacobin faction that took its name from J.-R. Hébert, one of its leaders. The Hébertists, who included A. F. Momoro, F. N. Vincent, and C. Ronsin, were tried as a group in the spring of 1794.

The faction formed during the winter of 1793–94 and, in large measure, reflected the social discontent of the poorer elements of the working people. The Hébertists advocated an intensification of revolutionary terror. They demanded strict observance of the Law of the Maximum and called for relentless struggle against speculation and sabotage by large-scale landowners and well-to-do peasants. They supported the policy of dechristianization and sought to expel G. J. Danton’s right-wing Jacobins from the National Convention and the ministries.

Demanding greater severity in the reign of terror against speculators and enemies of the revolution, the Hébertists threatened in March 1794 to lead a revolt against the Committee of Public Safety. They hoped to purge the government of moderates, but they received no support from the Paris Commune or the revolutionary masses. Arrested by the government on March 14, the Hébertists were tried by the Revolutionary Tribunal and, on March 24, guillotined.

References in periodicals archive ?
Indeed, it opposed the Hebertist desire to suppress all references to the Ancien Regime and religious beliefs on the stage, which the Commune temporarily sought to enforce.
Indeed, Darlow argues that the Commission's "explicit policy of reaction" (against Hebertist views of culture) began "before the end of the Terror" and "continued after Thermidor" (p.
The Journal des Spectacles generously reprinted articles from the Feuille du Salut Public condemning Pamela, but prudently took no side itself A month later came the staging of Sylvain Marechal's Hebertist, regicide Le Jugement dernier des rois by the quite patriotic Theatre de la Republique.
Although the Revolutionary Government had recently managed successful show trials of the Dantonists and Hebertists alike, putting over a hundred Robespierrists on trial would have been far riskier.
Marisa Linton argues that such denial was not possible within the ranks of Republican politicians, where the assassination of Marat provided the concrete act that fed the fear; and Girondins, Hebertists, and Dantonists each in turn faced the fatal charge of conspiracy.
It surmised, as did many observers, that this strike to the left betokened some abatement of the violent course of Revolutionary politics: not only did the execution of the Hebertists mark the first time that the more moderate of two struggling revolutionary parties had prevailed over the more radical, it was also the first time, since 1789, that such a contest had been carried out entirely within the institutional structure of the standing government.
If Robespierre's move against the Hebertists had seemed a necessary excision of the Revolution's most violent, uncontrollable members, that against Danton and his associates suggested not an effort to guide the Revolution to a moderate close but an attempt to seize uncontested power, to purge not one but all other competing factions.
Morris Slavin retells the dramatic story of the destruction of the Hebertists from a sternly `orthodox' viewpoint, whereas Fitzsimmons and Baczko approach, respec tively, the onset and the aftermath of the Revolution from a substantially revisionist' perspective.
The Hebertists, as the Sectional agitators became known in death, if not in life, mostly wished to curb the trend towards centralisation and to intensify the Terror.
Those who had associated themselves with political factions condemned by the Montagnards, especially the Girondins and the Hebertists, often suffered the fate of their patrons.