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movement toward commercial, social, economic, military, and political cooperation among the nations of North, Central, and South America.

In the Nineteenth Century

The struggle for independence after 1810 among the Latin American nations evoked a sense of unity, especially in South America where, under Simón BolívarBolívar, Simón
, 1783–1830, South American revolutionary who led independence wars in the present nations of Venezuela, Colombia, Panama, Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia.
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 in the north and José de San MartínSan Martín, José de
, 1778–1850, South American revolutionist, b. Yapeyú, in present-day Argentina. After service with the Spanish army in Europe, he returned (1812) to join the revolution against Spain in his native country.
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 in the south, there were cooperative efforts. Francisco MorazánMorazán, Francisco
, 1799–1842, Central American statesman, b. Tegucigalpa, Honduras. He led the revolutionary army that overthrew (1829) the regime of Manuel José Arce and was proclaimed president of the Central American Federation in 1830.
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 briefly headed a Central American FederationCentral American Federation
or Central American Union,
political confederation (1825–38) of the republics of Central America—Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Salvador.
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. The United States was looked upon as a model, and recognition of the new republics was a part of U.S. foreign policy. Henry Clay and Thomas Jefferson set forth the principles of Pan-Americanism in the early 1800s, and soon afterward the United States declared through the Monroe DoctrineMonroe Doctrine,
principle of American foreign policy enunciated in President James Monroe's message to Congress, Dec. 2, 1823. It initially called for an end to European intervention in the Americas, but it was later extended to justify U.S.
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 a new policy with regard to interference by European nations in the affairs of the Western Hemisphere. Initially welcomed, despite establishing U.S. hegemony, the doctrine later was seen by many Latin American nations as a mask for U.S. imperialistic ambitions.

In the 19th cent., Latin American military nationalism came to the fore. Venezuela and Ecuador withdrew (1830) from Greater Colombia; the Central American Federation collapsed (1838); Argentina and Brazil fought continually over Uruguay, and then all three combined in the War of the Triple Alliance (1865–70) to defeat Paraguay; and in the War of the Pacific (1879–83), Chile defeated Peru and Bolivia. However, during this same period Pan-Americanism existed in the form of a series of Inter-American Conferences—Panama (1826), Lima (1847), Santiago (1856), and Lima (1864). The main object of those meetings was to provide for a common defense. The first of the modern Pan-American Conferences was held (1889–90) in Washington, D.C., with all nations represented except the Dominican Republic. Treaties for arbitration of disputes and adjustment of tariffs were adopted, and the Commercial Bureau of the American Republics, which became the Pan-American UnionPan-American Union,
former name for the General Secretariat of the Organization of American States (OAS). It was founded (1889–90) at the first of the modern Inter-American Conferences (see Pan-Americanism) as the Commercial Bureau of the American Republics and changed to
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, was established. Subsequent meetings were held in various Latin American cities.

In the Twentieth Century

In the early 20th cent., U.S. manipulation to secure the Panama CanalPanama Canal,
waterway across the Isthmus of Panama, connecting the Atlantic (by way of the Caribbean Sea) and Pacific oceans, built by the United States (1904–14, on territory leased from the republic of Panama) and expanded by Pamana (2007–16).
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 and its intervention in the affairs of other Latin American states, combined to create Latin American resentment toward the United States. There was progress, however, in the codification of international law, acceptance of peace machinery, and creation of scientific and social agencies. Troubles nonetheless continued to flare. A major war was fought (1932–35) between Bolivia and Paraguay over the Chaco (see Gran ChacoGran Chaco
or Chaco,
c.250,000 sq mi (647,500 sq km), extensive lowland plain, central South America. It is sparsely populated and is divided among Paraguay, Bolivia, and Argentina. Some of the highest temperatures in the southern continent are reached there.
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). Strained relations between the United States and Panama were temporarily resolved by a treaty signed in 1936. Although it still restricted Panama's sovereignty, it ended the American right of intervention.

With the administration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt a policy of determined cordiality toward Latin America—the "Good Neighbor" policy—bore fruit. As World War II approached, the nations of the Western Hemisphere drew closer together. Conferences held in 1936 and 1938 provided for consultation in case of outside threat. Accordingly, after the outbreak of World War II the Inter-American Neutrality Conference was held (1939) in Panama. A conference of foreign ministers at Havana produced (1940) the Act of Havana, declaring against changes of sovereignty in the Western Hemisphere. Most of the Latin American nations (with the notable exception of Argentina) supported or actually joined the Allies after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.

A significant step was taken at the Inter-American Conference on the Problems of War and Peace in Mexico City in 1945. The Act of Chapultepec, adopted there by 20 republics, called for joint action in repelling aggression against an American state, including that by another American state. Acceptance by Argentina established machinery to enforce peace in the Western Hemisphere. This was formalized by the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (the Rio TreatyRio Treaty
(Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance), signed Sept. 2, 1947, and originally ratified by all 21 American republics. Under the treaty, an armed attack or threat of aggression against a signatory nation, whether by a member nation or by some other power, will
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). In other fields, too, cooperation advanced, as in commercial and financial matters (e.g., the Inter-American Bank). As a consequence of the growing awareness of interdependence the Bogotá Conference of 1948 produced the Organization of American StatesOrganization of American States
(OAS), international organization, created Apr. 30, 1948, at Bogotá, Colombia, by agreement of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico,
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 (OAS) to promote hemispheric unity. In the late 1950s the United States took steps toward an international price agreement on agricultural products and minerals, a measure long advocated by Latin American republics plagued by one-product economies. The Inter-American Development Bank began operations early in 1960.

Since the 1960s one of the most persistent issues facing the inter-American system has been the Communist government in Cuba and the strong opposition to it in the United States. Fidel Castro's support for Communist guerrilla forces in other Latin American countries led, in 1962, to Cuba's expulsion from the OAS. The vote, however, was not unanimous; Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, and Mexico abstained. Nonetheless, in the same year Latin American nations backed the United States in its blockade of Cuba following the construction of missile bases there. By the 1990s, however, almost all Latin American countries had resumed trade and diplomatic relations with Cuba. In 1989, in yet another clash with Panama, the United States invaded to remove its de facto leader, Manuel Noriega, and to establish an elected government, despite the OAS's calls for U.S. withdrawal.

With the introduction of the Alliance for ProgressAlliance for Progress,
Span. Alianza para el Progreso, U.S. assistance program for Latin America begun in 1961 during the presidency of John F. Kennedy. It was created principally to counter the appeal of revolutionary politics, such as those adopted in Cuba (see Fidel
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 in 1961, the United States undertook a long-term plan of economic assistance. In partial recognition of the weakness of this program, the Declaration of the Presidents of America was signed (1967) in Punta del Este, Uruguay, expressing commitment to Latin American economic integration, i.e., the creation of a common market (see Central American Common MarketCentral American Common Market
(CACM), trade organization envisioned by a 1960 treaty between Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and El Salvador. The treaty established (1961) a secretariat for Central American economic integration, which Costa Rica joined in 1963; Panama now has
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; Latin American Integration AssociationLatin American Integration Association
(LAIA), organization formed in 1980 by Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela, taking over the duties of the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA), which had been created
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). Although economic cooperation has not proceeded as quickly as originally planned, there has been progress toward the lowering of trade barriers in both North and South America, especially with the creation of MercosurMercosur
or Mercosul,
officially the Common Market of the South, Latin American trade organization established in 1991 to increase economic cooperation among the countries of E South America.
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 in 1991 and the North American Free Trade AgreementNorth American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA), accord establishing a free-trade zone in North America; it was signed in 1992 by Canada, Mexico, and the United States and took effect on Jan. 1, 1994.
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 (NAFTA) in 1992. These developments kept alive hopes for ultimate inter-American economic integration, and in Apr., 2001, 34 Western Hemisphere nations committed themselves to the creation of a Free Trade Area of the Americas, but negotiations toward its creation subsequently stalled.


See J. L. Lockey, Pan Americanism: Its Beginnings (1920, repr. 1970); W. S. Robertson, History of Latin America (3d ed. 1943); A. P. Whitaker, The Western Hemisphere Idea, Its Rise and Decline (1954, repr. 1965); A. Aguilar, Pan-Americanism from Monroe to the Present (1965); R. B. Gray, ed., Latin America and the United States in the 1970s (1971); J. E. Fagg, Pan-Americanism (1982).

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References in periodicals archive ?
Historical antecedents have also played a fundamental role in the current scenario of Latin American integration, which still is the subject of debate "between the Bolivarian conception of democratic 'continentality' and the nationalist conception of the creole elites" (2) (Vieira 2008, 17-18).
On the contrary, they believe that each project is part of aggregate experiences that are constitutive parts of the Latin American integration core (Rivarola Puntigliano and Briceno Ruiz 2013).
Concretely, it suggests a set of arguments explaining the contradictory aspect of Latin American integration processes, relating it to the existence of a "community" of Latin American countries in which regional organizations are treated as "social groups." Our main argument is that the existence of this community, easily observable in the discourse of authorities and the principles of various regional organizations and treaties, affects the decision-making processes regarding regional integration.
Most studies about Latin American integration have focused on the economic dimension of the process.
Following this same regional rationale the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA) was signed in 1960 in Montevideo, but lost impetus until it was resuscitated twenty years later in the form of the Latin American Integration Association (LAIA).
Public support for Latin American integration: an econometric model for the assessment of individual and contextual factors
Obama would like to conclude his presidency with spectacular victories in Eastern Europe and Latin America, turning Ukraine into a satellite state, which would ensure America's military presence on Russia's borders, and carrying out a significant regime change in Venezuela in order to put paid to all independent Latin American integration projects.
In the end, he said, these conflicts send a warning to all countries in the region and a true challenge to the policy of Latin American integration.

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