In one of his many manners-and-customs descriptions, Gyles tacitly negates this view by presenting captives as integral members of Maliseet society:
Gyles excludes himself from his captors by referring to "their thankfulness," distancing Maliseet emotions from his own feelings, although he was probably as grateful for meat during "feasting time[s]." In Johnson's war dance foreignness is maintained through lack of translation, partial forgetfulness, and an overdetermined emotional interpretation that compensates for both.
In addition, Gyles's use of "if any present" qualifies the normative social role of captives in Maliseet culture by portraying them as accidental rather than mandatory participants in the ceremony.
(103) Gyles might have hoped to find either a Native American town where travel could end or a colonial settlement where his Maliseet captivity could end.
He and an indefinite number of other members of various Maliseet and Mi'kmaq communities formed a break-away group in 1996 that they call the Wulustuk Grand Council and which Ennis says is a return to the consensus-style government Indians had before European contact.
The document raises a "buyer beware" flag for all land along the Saint John River and encompasses traditional hunting, fishing and gathering territory of the Wulustukyeg (Maliseet) people in New Brunswick, Quebec and Maine.
Asked about Wulustuk's relationship with the elected band councils, Ennis said it was "about the same as other traditional forms of government." He said when they started to hold meetings, they invited elected Maliseet and Mi'kmaq chiefs, who he says "were sort of open to it." But actual participation by elected band leaders has been minimal and inconsistent, Ennis said, as the chiefs allegedly view their own elected form of government as traditional.