middle class

(redirected from Middle classes)
Also found in: Dictionary, Thesaurus, Medical.

middle class:

see bourgeoisiebourgeoisie
, originally the name for the inhabitants of walled towns in medieval France; as artisans and craftsmen, the bourgeoisie occupied a socioeconomic position between the peasants and the landlords in the countryside.
..... Click the link for more information.
.
The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia™ Copyright © 2013, Columbia University Press. Licensed from Columbia University Press. All rights reserved. www.cc.columbia.edu/cu/cup/
Middle classclick for a larger image
Fig. 19 Middle class. The figure indicates the increasing middle-class proportion of the gainfully employed population of the UK in the period 1911-71 (percentages). (Adapted from Routh, 1980.)

middle class(es)

the non-manual occupational groups(s) which are located between the UPPER and the WORKING CLASSES.

The term ‘middle’ itself reflects a widely perceived common-sense conception of a status hierarchy in which non-manual work is accorded greater prestige than manual work, but is recognized as socially inferior to groups with major property or political interests. The presence of a large middle class in capitalist societies has been a subject of interest for a number of reasons. Important changes in occupational structure, involving a large increase in non-manual occupations, have forced a re-examination of the concept of social CLASS, particularly with reference to the social and political role of the ‘middle class(es)’.

Until the 19th century, there existed few relatively specialized occupational roles of the kind that now exist, e.g. accountancy teaching, nursing. This is not to say that ‘middle class’ roles in banking and government, and in the traditional PROFESSIONS did not exist. However, in both industry and government, especially over the last 100 years, there has occurred an enormous expansion of non-manual occupations, while the number of manual workers has shrunk (see Fig. 19).

The growth of non-manual occupations, and also the persistence of small businesses and the professions, poses theoretical problems for some traditional approaches to CLASS and SOCIAL STRATIFICATION. Until recently, Marxist theory especially had no well-developed analysis of the nature and significance of the ‘middle classes’. The problems are compounded by the great diversity of non-manual work which ranges from routine clerical work to relatively powerful managerial and professional roles, with the owners of independent small businesses in between. This has led to radically different ideas of where to locate the middle classes within the class structure. It has been argued, for instance, that a process of PROLETARIANIZATION has reduced the status, pay and working conditions of clerical workers to those of the manual working class. Others (e.g. Ehrenreich and Ehrenreich, 1979) have argued that the ‘professional-managerial class’ is a new and distinct class in its own right, while still others (e.g. Poulantzas, 1975) see the development of a NEW PETTY BOURGEOISIE (see also INTELLECTUAL LABOUR, CONTRADICTORY CLASS LOCATIONS).

Such differences in theoretical perspective reflect the diverse and ambiguous character of the middle class(es). It has often been argued, for instance, that non-manual occupations are distinguished by relatively higher pay, better working conditions, more opportunities for promotion, etc., than manual occupations. This argument cannot be sustained for women working in routine clerical jobs or behind shop counters; their WORK and MARKET SITUATION is quite different from that of higher middle-class occupations. On the other hand, routine white-collar workers do, on average, often work fewer hours per week than manual workers, and commonly enjoy great security of income, better sick pay and pension arrangements and greater job security. The further one moves up the status hierarchy the greater become the advantages of higher pay, career prospects and various ‘perks’ (e.g. company cars, low-interest loans or health insurance). The marked differences that exist within the middle class(es) mean that debates about their class situation and the implication of this for CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS, will continue to be held in sociology. See also MULTIDIMENSIONAL ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL STRATIFICATION, CLASS IMAGERY, SOCIAL MOBILITY.

Collins Dictionary of Sociology, 3rd ed. © HarperCollins Publishers 2000

Middle Class

Babbitt
self-satisfied conformer to middle-class ideas and ideals. [Am. Lit: Babbitt]
Forsyte
representative of property-owning class in early 20th century. [Br. Lit.: The Forsyte Saga]
Podsnap, John
smugly complacent in his Britishness. [Br. Lit.: Our Mutual Friend]
Allusions—Cultural, Literary, Biblical, and Historical: A Thematic Dictionary. Copyright 2008 The Gale Group, Inc. All rights reserved.
References in periodicals archive ?
It would not be wrong to infer from the table that the expanded middle classes and the privileged class are mainly found among: paid employees; self-employed in the non-agricultural sector; and employer with more than ten employees.
Although the new middle class tends to be more conservative than the old, more concerned with the government's role in maiintaining civic order than its role in aiding the disadvantaged, the political differences between the two middle classes can be only partly understood in the conventional terms of right versus left.
Even more significant, Disney made no attempt to revive genteel ideals of the sublime, but created a new kind of playful crowd that would be acceptable to the middle classes. The crowd, more than the "fun", was problematic for middle-class Americans when they encountered (or imagined) Coney Island.
(13) Gunilla-Frederi ke Budde has similarly argued that the middle classes had a social-structural need to cultivate high cultural tastes to demonstrate their individual and class claims to leadership.
One of Meldrum's theses, advanced in an earlier article ("Domestic Service, Privacy and the Eighteenth-Century Metropolitan Household," Urban History, 26:1999), is a critique of the argument by well-known historian Lawrence Stone that the middle classes were searching to increase their privacy by removing servants' rooms to a separate floor in the 18th century.
Ironically, perhaps, Thompson himself has been a persuasive advocate for the economic and social importance of the horse and its surrounding culture in Victorian England; and Huggins uses the ramifications of horse-racing to point up the importance of gambling, hedonism and raffish enjoyment not only among the disreputable aristocracy and the lumpenproletariat, but also among the commercial and industrial middle classes, important providers of investment, audiences and gambling income, among the mainstream skilled working class and among women at all social levels.
To use a phrase coined in the eighteenth century they were "barometers of taste" [10]--middle-class taste, to be sure, as the Dutch Spectators were written by and for the upper middle classes who had assumed the role of the country's enlightened, moral vanguard.
This is both unsubstantiated and inaccurate because the current Anglo-American literature on the history of masculinities indicates that male homophobia did not emerge among the middle classes until the early twentieth century, and among the working class until the 1930s (largely because the lay public did not begin to use the term "homosexual" until these dates).
Even historians adopting a culturalist approach, however, have seen the middle classes as respectable.
Margaret Hunt presents a vivid and complex portrait of the culture and context of the rising English urban middle classes. This publication offers a rich theoretical representation of the social, economic and political dynamic within a social group which is lately much examined.
Many were probably read by the wealthy as well as by the middling sort, but the fact that they were intended for a broader audience justifies their treatment as sources of advice for the middle classes. Although these works gave similar prescriptions in terms of manners, they varied in character, style, and other content.
Wahrman's method is to scrutinize the public pronouncements of the period between 1780 and 1840 for phrases expressive of a "middle-class" conception of society, polity, and history: "middle ranks," "middle station," "middling order," "middle class," and "middle classes." He then examines the attributes bestowed upon this "imagined" category of the population and the polemical and analytical purposes to which they were put.

Full browser ?