(44) The first fifty lines portray him as a citizen loved by the people of Florence yet also as the object of rumors among the populace that he personally suffers under the burdens of his financial obligations, implicitly casting doubt on his tenacity as a political leader of the ottimati. Filelfo insists on Strozzi's merits and on his unquestionable morality and fortitude.
(110) Filelfo also repeats the gentle chastisement of the ottimati for allowing lenient punishment of the Mediceans in September of 1433, just as he had complained about this clemency to Palla Strozzi in Satire 4.1.
The fictional dialogues of the Commentationes are set in Florence at a time subsequent to Cosimo's return from exile and to the passing of sentences of exile upon the ottimati, and they serve to console both the vanquished patricians and the city of Florence itself, which had lived in a "golden age" under the rule of the patrician oligarchs.
Defending his recent political maneuvering, in which he and Ridolfo Peruzzi approached Eugenius as a "patron" of the cause of the aristocrats, Rinaldo explains that his attempt to consolidate a league "against" Florence that would include both Eugenius and Filippo Maria Visconti was not a betrayal of the Florentine Republic, but rather an attempt to secure the safety of the citizens and the ottimati against the "criminal" Mediceans.
In The Art of War, as well as in the Discourses, Machiavelli expresses a sharp awareness of the negative view on the Roman model prevailing among the Florentine ottimati at the beginning of the Cinquecento.
In the eyes of the ottimati, the ancient Roman republic contained features that made it simultaneously both too monarchic and too popular to serve their ends.
Florentines knew that this was coded language pointing to the families of the ottimati, like Guicciardini's own.
have been a concession to the ottimati; but it probably also reflects the desire not to let artificial social restrictions interfere with the selection of what were considered the most suitable councilors.
This political development contains a deep irony because, to use Najemy's apt expression, by attempting to fashion themselves as patres conscripti, the Florentine ottimati
elite created a pater patriae.
If there was any term the oligarchs liked for themselves it was ottimati (Latin: optimates or optimi cives).
On the other hand, foul-weather patriots like Bruni, it seems, took up the banner of Aretine liberty only after their ottimati, or Guelfish, friends lost Florence.
In the second dialogue, Albizzi refers to a rumor, known through Pope Eugenius IV, that he and other ottimati were seeking to betray the republic to the Visconti (fols.