Son de citar sus operas Catalina da Guisa, ambientada en Francia y estrenada en el Gran Teatro Nacional en 1859; Pietro d'Abano
, ambientada en Italia y estrenada en 1863; y Tobias, que no consiguio siquiera su puesta en escena.
While Cadden has concentrated mainly on Pietro d'Abano's commentary, as his was the first Latin commentary on the Problemata, she takes other versions into account when they digress or have reader and/or scribal annotations that shed more light on the topic.
While, as Cadden says, to 'offer a fixed text of Pietro d'Abano's Problemata commentary is to contravene the very premise' of her book, she has included 'a transcription of BNF lat.
Italy (2) Centro Studi Pietro D'Abano
. Abano Terme.Padova.
Chapter 8, "Music and Scientific Discovery," is a most elegant presentation of music-acoustical problems ranging from Pietro d'Abano
's medieval commentaries on Aristotelian Problems, through Franchino Gaffurio's struggles with his set of ancients, Lodovico Fogliano (1529) and G.
Weill-Parot pursues these problems in al-Kindi, Guillaume d'Auvergne, Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, Roger Bacon, and then more briefly in Matteo d'Aquasparta, John Peckham, Pierre d'Auvergne, Michael Scot, Cecco d'Ascoli, John of Eschenden, Leopoldus of Austria, Taddeo da Parma, John of Saxe, Andreas de Sommaria, Nicole Oresme, Heinrich von Langenstein, Arnaud de Villeneuve, Pietro d'Abano
, Guy de Chauliac, and various other fourteenth-century physicians.
But, since the elements of this program are to be found in the classical medical tradition itself, the same elements make appearances in the contemporary Scholastic treatises, the texts of Petrarch's enemies; the negative definition of positive capacity is certainly embedded in an archetypical text, Pietro d'Abano's Conciliator of the Differences of the Philosophers and Doctors, completed in the early 14th century.
Both Petrarch and Pietro d'Abano assemble materials which will be reassembled in the 16th century Humanist texts Nancy Siraisi considers, Agrippa von Nettesheim's De incertitudine, Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola's Examen vanitatis doctrinae gentium, and Juan Luis Vives' De causis corruptarum artium; all these texts describe the conceptual space of uncertainty in medicine as in other disciplines.(31) But the affinity with Petrarch and d'Abano is a productive affinity, and suggests a productive, not nihilistic skepticism; this strand of skeptical approach functions as a stage, or level, an incomplete strategy recognising inconclusiveness.
And they share as well, as we have seen in Pietro d'Abano, the old Sophistic, indeed Gorgian, then Pyrrhonian, insight into "our susceptibility to linguistic corruscation." Again, it is the modesty, impurity of the domain which is useful; it furnishes not a guarantee, but an opportunity for discovery.
 For the most part, however, the attitude to history of Pietro d'Abano was probably fairly typical of fourteenth-century sch olastic medicine.
 The local climate of production of and interest in history obviously failed to impress Pietro d'Abano, but perhaps it encouraged the mid-fourteenth-century medical professor Jacopo Dondi, author of both a massive compilation of remedies and a brief Paduan chronicle (in which he patriotically claimed that Paduans had founded Venice, to the ob fuscation of subsequent writers).