Pompeius Trogus

Trogus, Pompeius

 

Roman historian of the period near the turn of the Common Era.

Trogus was the author of the Historiae Philippicae, a history of the world in 44 books, from the legendary Assyrian kings to the Roman emperor Augustus. It was written circa A.D. 7 and has survived only in the epitome of Justinus and in the prologi, or short summaries of the books.

WORKS

In Russian translation:
Justinus. “Epitoma soch. Pompeia Troga Historiae Philippicae.” Translated by A. A. Dekonskii and M. I. Rizhskii. Vestnik drevnei istorii, 1948, no. 4.

REFERENCES

Zel’in, K. K. “Osnovnye cherty istoricheskoi kontseptsii Pompeia Troga.” Vestnik drevnei istorii, 1954, nos. 2–4.
Zel’in, K. K. “Pompei Trog i ego proizvedenie Historiae Philippicae.” Vestnik drevnei istorii, 1954, no. 2.
References in periodicals archive ?
24 CE); and Justin's epitome (second century CE?) of the lost Philippic Histories of Pompeius Trogus (first century BCE).
(25) Tiberianus passes censure especially on Trebellius Pollio, none other than another of the fictitious authors of the Historia Augusta, whereas Vopiscus comes to the author's rescue declaring 'neminem scriptorem, quantum ad historiam pertinet, non aliquid esse mentitum' ("there was no author, at least in the realm of history, who had not made some false statement"), and invoking an array of stellar witnesses for his bold thesis: Livy, Sallust, Tacitus, and Pompeius Trogus. Thereupon Tiberianus admits defeat: 'scribe, inquit, ut libet.
The forty-two-page index is indispensable, given the broad thematic scope of some of example, contains fourteen separate entries (with notes and bibliographies) for post-Hellenistic authors such as pompeius Trogus; these would be inconveniently hidden from most user if not for the index.
Margaret Williams, "Being a Jew in Rome: Sabbath Fasting as an Expression of Romano-Jewish Identity," boldly argues that the references in Augustus, Pompeius Trogus, Petronius, and Martial to fasting on the Sabbath reflect the actual practice of Jews in Rome in contrast to the practice of Jews elsewhere.
According to Ephorus (as summarized by Pompeius Trogus), they rejected marriage as "slavery" (Dowden 110).
But he signaled the limits of his critique by adding "especially since the author I am expounding was never accustomed to lie." [46] Nonetheless, he quoted the entire passage about the Amazons from Herodotus and diligently compared it with statements by Diodorus Siculus, Pompeius Trogus, Greek scholiasts on Homer, Strabo, Plutarch, and more, in an endeavor to locate the Amazons both chronologically and geographically.
Yardley of Justin's epitome of the Latin universal history by Pompeius Trogus, which has disappeared, gives some idea of just how useful Justin must have been for the Abbe in his compilation of the Histoire des Amazones.
Books 11 and 12 of (**)Justin, Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus,(9) `the poorest representative of the so-called Vulgate tradition' of Alexander historiography, are given the full works by J.
Although Justin's source (Pompeius Trogus) was surely using Ephorus (although perhaps indirectly through Timagenes of Alexandria),(32) we cannot be sure whether Plutarch found the night attack in Ephorus or Simonides, or quite possibly in both.
Justin's epitome of Pompeius Trogus' account provides additional information on the divine element in the battle: there Apollo forbids the agrestes to convey their grain and wine elsewhere for safe keeping, and the priestesses see the god, appearing as a youth of superhuman size, clanging his bow and rattling his weapons, come to the defense of the sanctuary with Artemis and Athena (24.7.6, 24.8.3-7).(10)
In one of his latest papers, published the year before his death, Sir Ronald Syme surveyed the modern scholarly literature on `The date of Justin and the discovery of Trogus' and argued that Justin's abbreviated version of the Historiae Philippicae of the Augustan historian Pompeius Trogus (not an epitome in the strict sense of that word) was composed in the later fourth century, specifically in `the vicinity of 390'--not in the Antonine or Severan period, as so many have contended.(1) Syme's central argument was lexicographical: he drew attention to a number of words in Justin's vocabulary which point to a date in the fourth century rather than the second or third.