nominal

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nominal

Bell-ringing the harmonic an octave above the strike tone of a bell
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The first tendency relates to the shift from a high proportion of nominal bases to an increasing number of verbal bases (cf.
If one compares the proportions of nominal and verbal bases in the historical corpora of Muller (1993), Brendel et al.
Of the six children who produced an -er-nominal, only two children aged 4;3 and 5;10 produced the nominal based Kekser 'cookie+er,' whereas five children produced a multilexemic verbal-based -er-nominal Keksesser/Keksfresser 'cookie eat+er' (3;3, 4;7, 5;10, 6;1) and Sussigkeitenesser 'sweets eat+er' (6;0).
75 times (out of a maximum of 3) the second part of the multilexemic based test items, but none explained the whole nominal.
When combined with nominal bases, -er acts like a small class of suffixes that do not change the category of their base as, for example, diminutive suffixes like -chen and -lein.
We note exactly the same ambiguity for -ung nominals derived from intransitive prefix verbs, such as vernarben:
This paper has shown that the -ung nominals denoting events are derived from interval-based event predicates that denote changes from a source state to a target state.
The results of this statistical investigation confirm that -ung nominals can be quite freely derived from the separable and inseparable prefix verbs.
What is different in this paper from the classification in Klein (1994) is that the event verbs corresponding to the 2-state verbs in Klein are interval-based for the derivation of -ung nominals.
Note that the verbs in (7), with the exception of erbluhen in (7a), are precisely those that allow the derivation of an -ung nominal, as discussed in the preceding section.