occupational communities

occupational communities

the traditional working-class communities formed where industries are able to provide stable employment to workforces. Some such industries (e.g. coalmining, shipbuilding) are concentrated in particular neighbourhoods, others (e.g. printing newspapers) involve unsocial hours. LOCKWOOD characterized the kind of worker found in occupational communities as ‘traditional proletarian’. see CLASS IMAGERY.
References in periodicals archive ?
While access to informal channels of communication are a benefit of communities of practice, at StatNet the benefit is unique in that participants access channels of informal communication across organizations, but also across and within occupational communities.
As performance measurement finds various levels of resistance and support across occupational communities, the cross-occupational community exchange builds opportunities for cooperation.
The argument that communal isolation--especially in occupational communities like mining villages--produced a kind of radicalism that perhaps made these communities more communist-prone than others, has been brought to the test by Roy Church and Quentin Outram in a statistical analysis of miners' strike propensity in Britain.
Second generation migrants turned to communism and built occupational communities.
Work is a social activity, and the creation of occupational communities is one of its most important consequences, often helping to cement the ideological power of employers and thereby to frustrate union efforts to improve the quality of work itself (see Richards 2008 for a recent case study).
Virtually all developed countries have evolved systems that, with varying levels of success, nurture R&D occupational communities in particular ways so that they successfully span firm boundaries.
In internationalizing their R&D, global firms have a strong interest in nurturing their foreign researchers' and scientists' local affiliations within their occupational communities, for the sake of both recruitment and innovation.
My own understanding of this phenomenon came about from seeing more clearly that cultures arise in whole occupational communities and that, therefore, parts of organizations are as much a reflection of the occupational backgrounds and experiences of some of their members as they are of their own unique organizational histories (Van Maanen and Barley, 1984).
Two of these cultures are based on larger occupational communities and thus are more stable in the assumptions they hold (Van Maanen and Barley, 1984).
The emergence of occupational communities and communities of practice around new technology is but one illustration of this trend.
Van Maanen & Barley [39] suggest that it may take more sense to view careers in terms of occupational communities rather than organization.
To account for the contrasting political strategies of unions in the two industries, Marks examines three sets of factors: the effects of labor market conditions on the ability of different groups of workers to sustain their occupational communities and defend their place in the division of labor against technological innovation and market shifts; how international variations in legal environemtns, or different degrees of state repression, shaped the ideological orientations of unions as well as their relations with political parties; and the effects of "organizational revolution," which led to the rise of national unions and the politicization of industrial relations at the turn of the century.
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