party identification


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party identification

a voter's enduring link with a political party (Budge, 1976). In the UK Butler and Stokes (1969) sought to establish a respondent's party identification, asking the question: ‘Generally speaking do you usually think of yourself as Conservative, Labour or Liberal?’ Similar questions are widely elsewhere. Some early students of VOTING BEHAVIOUR assumed that voters might operate like individual consumers, with voting a matter of‘personal preference’ and voters likely to be readily persuaded to change sides. Subsequent studies of ‘party identification’ have generally shown that this is not so, that in a majority of cases voters possess a ‘party identification’ to which they return even if in a particular election, or when polled in advance of an election, their ‘voting intention’ may sometimes differ from this. The increased volatility of voting behaviour in recent years (see also CLASS DEALIGNMENT) may have reduced the numbers of people who possess a persistent party identification (and also its strength), but it remains the case that individual voting behaviour possesses a continuity over elections. See also PARTY IMAGE, POLITICAL ATTITUDES, POLITICAL PARTICIPATION.
References in periodicals archive ?
Most partisan voters do not defect, because they perceive support from network members' party identification. He argues that communication networks affect both partisan and nonpartisan voters; such communication network influence is even stronger than partisanship.
"The Partisan Paradox: Religious Commitment and the Gender Gap in Party Identification" by Karen M.
The topics discussed include: devolution; party identification in the wake of the Labour Government's second electoral victory; the Scottish Parliamentary election of 1999; partisan bias in general elections and how it effects electoral theories; voting in the Scottish Parliament; Ulster's Alliance Party; the representation of ethnic minorities; the theories behind anti-government tactical voting in the general elections of 1987, 1992 and 1997; the Scottish Devolution referendum; the controversial election of George W.
Bartels' conclusion--that party identification is as strong as it has been in more than a generation--may surprise those who have accepted the conventional wisdom that political parties are in decline.
First, we showed that macrolevel party identification undergoes considerable movement over time.
But the tepid tea of Bushism stopped the trend: Most surveys of party identification since 1985 have shown that more Americans, by a margin of one to four percentage points, still see themselves as Democrats than Republicans.
The top-two primary system in heavily Democratic California allows the two highest vote-getters to advance to the general election regardless of party identification.
Racial/Ethnic identification plays a role in shaping presidential approval, even when considering party identification. For example, 83% of white Republicans approve of Trump, compared with 59% of nonwhite Republicans.
Contract notice: The provision of third party legal monitoring and third party identification services.
Some issues covered include gender and voting, party identification, social class and voting, strategic voting, campaign spending, and campaign effectiveness.
With the rise of Asian American populations nationwide, voters are also increasingly shifting in party identification, according to the survey.
First, we include party identification and ideology as fairly stable and basic political orientations.